The global crisis is being discussed so much that there seems to be no aspect left that has not been analyzed in depth.
The crisis is setting an almost impossible task before the countries with developing markets – to modernize market mechanisms and strengthen the state’s position in the economy, although their economic system is deformed a priori and international practice and standards ignore the fact of this deformation.
The structure of economic ties that took shape in the past decades has serious inherent inconsistencies. The widespread conviction that the expanding global economy is stable by virtue of its scale and diversification of the participants’ interests is creaking at the seams. Many macroeconomic indicators have become unpredictable, aggravating the risks of projects with long payoff periods.
Implementing opportunities for collective action could play a decisive role in restoring the governability of global development in its current critical phase after the financial and economic crisis cleans the Augean stable of the entire international system inherited from the past and makes the rise of a new system inevitable.
Now it depends on the political will and courage of the American and Russian leadership to translate their common vision of a multi-polar and multilateral order into the reality of shared institutions and concrete policies. Nothing less than a new security doctrine is at stake.
The missile defense issue must be resolved as part of general efforts to normalize U.S.-Russian relations, which have seriously deteriorated after the Five-Day War in the Caucasus. All attempts to solve the missile defense problem will fail unless Moscow and Washington achieve mutual understanding, predictability of their actions, and, finally, mutual confidence with regard to each other’s intentions.
Rapprochement with the EU is possible without Russia giving up vital economic or security interests, because the European Union is not what many in Russia seem to think it is. The great challenge for the 21st century now seems to use the experiences with building peace and prosperity in Europe to achieve similar results between Europe and Russia.
The gradual construction of a strategic alliance between Russia and the European Union must be a general strategic benchmark for Russia, which could be mentioned in the new basic agreement with the EU – provided, of course, that the EU duly reciprocate and that the present political situation becomes less acute.
Russian corporations underestimate investment risks in the European Union, while the Russian energy strategy lacks understanding of how this country should build its relations with international arbitration institutions. The conflict between EU legislation and traditional liberal norms calls into question the possibility of protecting investment in the European Union on the basis of EU laws.
Russian support for Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which came about as a result of a number of circumstances, may play the role of a catalyst for Russia’s modernization, but the two territories are very different and require different approaches.
The interest in the phenomenon of nationalism has again increased in the world. Experts and politicians are trying to define various types of nationalism and to understand the difference between ethnic nationalism and civic nationalism, and what potential the latter type of nationalism has. Obviously, ethnic nationalism is not gone.
Despite considerable efforts to liberalize the economic system and the laws regulating relations between the authorities and economic agents, the nation still pins great hopes on the government as almost the only institution that can ensure that public interests are duly observed. These ideas should not be fought against, no matter how illusory they may seem, but guided into a productive vein.
It has become popular in Russia to speak about the crash of the Western economic model and liberal capitalism and this talk may make some sense from the political point of view. All of economic history shows that however harsh a crisis may be and whatever stage of capitalism’s decomposition is attributed to it, market economies have always survived crises, and emerged from them stronger, tougher and more competitive.
Каковы варианты развития сирийского конфликта? Какую роль играют Россия, Запад и страны Востока в его урегулировании?
Грузинам, которые всегда ценили свою культуру и историю, предлагается забыть о прошлом, чтобы его химеры не мешали светлому будущему.
История Беловежских соглашений для россиян сейчас выглядит почти детской сказкой.
Как ценитель тонкой дипломатии, Генри Киссинджер находит немало поводов для восхищения Китаем.
Анализировать политические события, современником которых является исследователь, – занятие непростое.